The end of Roe v. Wade will accelerate an existing effort to criminally punish people for their abortions, stillbirths, and miscarriages.

It’s a desperate attempt to make it seem like it’s liberals, not the right, who are to blame for the court’s loss of legitimacy.

Communities across the country have already been preparing for the end of Roe.

Liberals can’t count on the courts to protect against Republican ambitions to roll back civil rights.

While Texas providers remain in limbo, advocates are stepping up local strategies for abortion access.

The state is trying to regulate something it can’t: the decentralized distribution of pills largely originating in Mexico, where abortion is no longer a crime.

People “saw what the governor and state legislature were trying to do, and it made people realize the importance of the funds,” one organizer said of the assault on reproductive rights.

The mainstreaming of “sex work is work” and strong decriminalization policy proposals are signs of the movement’s success. What comes next?

Rather than seeing the concerns that shape our reproductive lives as an obstacle to reaching voters, some organizers are framing their approach around them. They think it’ll pay off.

Her nomination to the Supreme Court isn’t just about overturning Roe. It’s about redefining womanhood.

The meme-ification of the justice was just one part of the brand-driven, girl-bossed, leaned-in conception of women’s freedom in which it incubated.

“What would it mean to give consent to be sterilized in a prison or detention center?”

Telehealth has grown increasingly common in the face of Covid-19. A federal judge has now extended that access to medication abortion.

Staff at the New York affiliate of the health care provider say their CEO is abusing her power and compromising their mission.

What does the landmark Supreme Court ruling mean to a country always on the brink of losing it?